or native rulers. Though called “backward” races, they are often well educated and aspire to self-government. Their aspirations have fostered demands for civil rights—freedom of speech, assemblage and the press. They ask whether the Bill of Rights follows the flag; whether constitutional guarantees protect native Porto Ricans, Filipinos and Virgin Islanders. There has not yet been a definition of what rights these peoples have. There is a persistent disinclination to give them any, because of the great probability they will use them for agitation against American rule in favor of independence. The usual mixture of military with civil government further complicates island rule, and hampers civil liberty. Exploiting economic interests also restrict liberty. Numerous cases have arisen in Porto Rico, Haiti, San Domingo, Samoa, and the Virgin Islands-and a few in the Philippines. In all of these places there is continuous agitation against either the fact or form of American rule.

THE NEGRO AND CIVIL LIBERTY

The Negro presents the most important “race problem” for civil liberty in the United States. He is first of all of a very different color and origin. He has passed from the status of an imported African slave, first landed in Virginia in 1619 to that of a so-called free citizen, though in fact with a very inferior position. He forms a considerable and increasing part of the population—now about one-tenth. He is not a ward like the Indian nor an alien who can be deported. These ten million nominal citizens are entitled to all the constitutional guarantees, some of which were especially framed for their protection. But these do not so apply, and over a large section of the country they are deliberately and studiously denied. The Negro is in reality a sort of half-citizen—a citizen on probation to the whites.

THE COLONIAL PERIOD

In this period (1619–1776) the English Colonists recognized no rights for the Negro slaves.