minor assaults ending in the police court. The resort to violence is always opposed by labor leaders. And they have been usually successful in checking it. In recent years employing groups have hired spies and agents provocateurs to incite the outbreaks that would let violence loose in order to discredit the strike with the public and the authorities, and to justify their own resort to force.⁵

The following cases merely show the types:

July 3, 1894, John Kneebone who had been the principal witness for the prosecution against the Union men in 1892 and who had been many times threatened, was murdered in cold blood and broad daylight by 40 masked men who came from the town of Burke…. Four men were deported … the Grand Jury was unable to obtain testimony such was the terrorized condition of the country …. December 22, 1894, a number of nonunion men were called from their beds and deported; and on April 5, 1895, and on other occasions … they entered the bedroom of John Kopf and threatened to kill him…. December 23, 1897, Fred D. Whitney, foreman of the Helena and Frisco concentrator was brutally murdered.⁶

In 1899 the blowing up in Idaho of the Bunker Hill concentrator by several hundred union miners, resulting in the death of one employee of the company and one miner, started naturally an insurrection. The men seized the railroad train, loaded a supply of dynamite from the company's arsenal and ran the train out on to another railroad's main line. This led to cutting in of United States troops on the ground of interference with mail and inter-state commerce.⁷

The record of violence in one of the most turbulent trades—that of founder—is given by the President of the National Founders' Association (1908). It consists of nearly too pages of cases of threats, violence, dynamiting, intimidation of boarding-house keepers and deliverymen, and the